Information regarding rates and patterns of IDU is extremely difficult
to obtain. As Millar (1998) explains, persons who inject drugs
are often heavy, dependent users with a lifestyle that revolves
around their drug use and marginalizes them from mainstream society.
These are the visible, marginalized street population. There are
also the hidden populations of injection drug users who may not
fit the typical profile. Due to the illegal nature of the behaviour,
as well as the negative societal view, it is difficult to obtain
accurate information on the characteristics of people who inject
drugs and injecting behaviors. Much of the available information
is based on best estimates, obtained from relatively accessible treatment populations
such as clients in needle exchange programs, methadone maintenance
or other addictions treatment programs.
This section examines the extent of IDU in Canada, characteristics
of those who inject drugs and a discussion of high-risk groups.
Much of the information contained in this section is from the
Health Canada report "A Socio-Demographic Profile of Drug
Users in Canada" (Single, 2000).
The extent of IDU in Canada is not known, but it is estimated that there are between 75,000 and 125,000 people who inject drugs in Canada (Single, 2000), approximately one-third of whom are women. Most reside in Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal. It is estimated that 30,000 people who inject drugs reside in Toronto (Remis et al., 1997), and 15,000 in Vancouver (Millar, 1998). In Montreal, the number of people who inject cocaine is estimated between 6,000 and 25,000 and for heroin between 5,000 and 15,000 (Roy and Cloutier, 1994). Although there are no estimates for Quebec City or Ottawa, it is believed that a significant amount of IDU occurs in these cities as well. In addition, 29.4% of young steroid users, or approximately 25,000 Canadians, report injection use (CCDFS, 1993).
The most commonly injected drugs are cocaine and heroin. This is a cause for concern in itself, as cocaine use involves particular risk. Persons who inject cocaine inject as often as twenty times a day, increasing the problems associated with obtaining clean needles and sharing contaminated needles (McAmmond and Associates, 1997). Information obtained through detailed interviews with 610 individuals who inject drugs in Winnipeg, Manitoba (Elliot and Blanchard, 1998) found cocaine to be the predominant drug injected, and was associated with binge use and frequent injection. Talwin, Ritalin, amphetamines and steroids have also been used intravenously in some areas of Canada at various times (Single, 2000).
The proportion of people who report sharing needles varies considerably,
but is exceedingly high in many communities: 76% in Montreal (Bruneau
et al., 1997), 69% in Vancouver (Strathdee et al., 1997), 64%
in a semi-rural Nova Scotia community (Stratton et al., 1997),
54% in Quebec City (Belanger et al., 1996) and Calgary (Elnitsky
and Abernathy, 1993), 46% in Toronto (Myers et al., 1995) and
37% in Hamilton-Wentworth (Devillaer and Smye, 1994).
Strathdee and colleagues (1997) conducted a study with 281 people
involved in IDU from Vancouver, British Columbia that examined
the social determinants predictive of needle-sharing behaviour.
Factors that were independently associated with needle-sharing
included injecting four or more times/day, polydrug use, and a
history of sexual abuse. With regard to sexual abuse, the authors
hypothesized that a history of sexual abuse may be related to
low self-esteem and depression, which in turn could make individuals
less concerned about safe needle practices. Access or barriers
to clean needle use was not associated with needle-sharing.
Belanger et al. (1996) examined the indicators of risk that discriminate
those sub-groups that are at high risk of sharing needles and other
drug paraphernalia. The sample included clients participating in the
needle exchange program in Quebec City. More than half of the participants
(54.1%) reported having shared at least one used needle during the
six months before the interview. Factors related to needle-sharing
included multi-drug use, frequenting a shooting gallery, and injecting
in the presence of people not well known. Females and young people
(under the age of 20 years) were more inclined than males and older
clients, respectively, to adopt unsafe injecting practices. A discussion
of potential reasons that place women and youth at greater risk of
unsafe practices is provided in the section "HCV and At-Risk
Populations."
In an attempt to delineate the characteristics
associated with IDU in Canada, Single (2000) synthesized information
from some 20 different Canadian studies. A description of these
studies is contained in Table 1 (see Appendix). It is important
to note that the information in this section is based on the characteristics
of clients in needle exchange programs and/or treatment programs
and as such, may not reflect the overall population of people who
inject drugs in Canada.
The ratio of male to female injection drug use in these studies
vary from 1.6:1 (SADAC, 1993) to 6.1:1, reflecting differences in
outreach and client requirements (Millson et al., 1995). The overall
average is 3 to 1, indicating that approximately one fourth of those
who inject drugs are women. While there is a great variation in
age, the mean age of those involved in injection drug use is the
early 30s for men and the late 20s for women. The reasons for these
gender differences are not clear. However, research with young users
of injection drugs suggests that females are initiating injection
drug use at an earlier age than males. This research will be discussed
further in the section "HCV and At-Risk Populations."
The average age of IDU in these studies ranged from 28 to 35, but
substantial numbers are under the age of 20 years. For instance,
more than one in five individuals who injected drugs in a recent
study conducted in Quebec City were teenagers (Belanger et al.,
1996). Although it is difficult to recognize a trend with only sixteen
studies, there are indications that the average age of participants
in needle exchange programs has increased somewhat over the past
few years. The (unweighted) mean age of the five most recent studies
is 32 years of age, which is higher than reported for any of the
prior studies.
Only five of the 20 studies reported marital status. While the proportion
that is single ranges widely from 38% (Millson et al., 1990) to
76% (Hewitt and Vinge, 1991), the majority of study participants
from the five studies were single.
Compared to clients who do not inject drugs, those who inject drugs
have lower educational attainment. Although there is a wide range,
the majority of IDU occurs among high school dropouts. Rates of
incomplete high school in various locations are as follows: 81%
in Vancouver (Strathdee et al., 1997), 63% in a semi-rural community
in Nova Scotia (Stratton et al., 1997), 61% in Quebec City (Poulin
et al., 1995), 57% in Calgary (Elnitsky and Abernathy, 1993), 52%
in Edmonton (Wolfe and Sykes, 1992). Toronto observed higher rates
of completed high school, with 37% having less than a high school
education (Millson et al., 1990).
Most people involved in IDU are unemployed. Rates of unemployment
range from 43% in Cape Breton (Poulin et al., 1992) to 88% in Montreal
(Bruneau, 1994), 87% in Edmonton (Wolfe and Sykes, 1992) and 77%
in Toronto (Millson et al., 1995). In Vancouver, 88% of participants
were on social assistance (Archibald et al., 1996). As such, it
is not surprising that IDU is generally associated with low incomes.
Although few studies report income, it is noteworthy that 40% of
individuals involved with IDU in Montreal earn less than $10,000
per year and 71% earn less than $25,000 (Brunea et al., 1997).
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