Street-involved youth, women, Aboriginal populations, and prison populations are important target groups for interventions designed to control HCV. This section discusses some of the unique characteristics that place these groups at greater risk.
The use and misuse of drugs is particularly high
among street-involved youth (Anderson, 1993; Radford et al., 1989;
Smart and Adlaf, 1991). The term 'street-involved youth' refers
to children and adolescents who become socially dislocated from
their mainstream counterparts and who experience marginal or chronic
homelessness (Hagan and McCarthey, 1997). It is generally believed
that a major pathway to this marginal lifestyle is the experience
of physical, emotional and/or sexual abuse at home (Radford et al.,
1989). There are no scientifically valid estimates of the street-involved
youth population in Canada, but estimates have ranged as high as
150,000 (Covenant House, 1988).
Unfortunately there is very little Canadian information on the
extent and nature of IDU among youth in general, and street-involved
youth in particular. There is even less information on the factors
underlying the transition from non-injection drug use to injection
drug use. An understanding of these factors is critical to the
development of prevention initiatives designed to prevent the
spread of HCV infection in this population.
In 1995, a prospective cohort study of Montreal street-involved
youth (15-22 years of age) was initiated. The results revealed that
a high proportion of street-involved youth (36%) has used injection
drugs and 23% had injected in the previous six months. The proportion
of Montreal street-involved youth infected with HCV was found to
be 18% and 4% for HIV (Roy et al., 1996; 1998). On average, girls
tended to start injecting at a younger age than boys (16 vs. 17.3
years). Over half of those who had injected had borrowed needles
and 67% had shared injecting equipment.
Four other Canadian studies provide further information on the
extent and nature of drug use among street-involved youth. The
first is a national multi-site study, conducted in 10 Canadian
cities, based on interviews with 712 street-involved youth aged
15-20 years (Radford et al., 1989). Two separate studies were
conducted in Toronto, one in 1990 with 145 street-involved youth
(Smart et al., 1990) and the other conducted in 1992 with 217
youth (Smart et al., 1992). In Halifax, interviews were conducted
in 1991 with 200 youth less than 24 years of age (Anderson, 1993).
Finally, interviews were conducted in 1993 in Vancouver with 100
streetinvolved youth aged 19 and younger (McCreary Centre Society,
1994).
In the 1988 Canadian multi-site study, 12% of street-involved
youth reported injecting drugs in their lifetime (Radford et al.,
1989). In Toronto, 28% injected drugs in their lifetime and 4%
have shared needles during the past year (Smart et al., 1992).
In Halifax, about one in nine street-involved youth had injected
drugs (Anderson, 1993). IDU rates were higher in Vancouver, with
48% of males and 32% of females reporting lifetime drug injection
(McCreary Centre Society, 1994).
Information obtained in the Winnipeg Injection Drug Epidemiology
Study (Elliot and Blanchard, 1998) found that 22% of individuals
had injected with a used needle the first time they ever injected.
At the time of first injection, 49% were under 20 years old. These
results speak to the young age at which people are initiating
IDU and engaging in highly risky injection practices.
Similar results were obtained in a study conducted by Belanger
et al. (1996) that examined the predictors of needle-sharing among
participants in a needle exchange program in Quebec City. The
results showed that younger participants, under the age of 20
years, were more likely than older participants to report sharing
needles in the six months prior to the study. Needle-sharing was
also related to multiple drug use, which in turn was more common
among young users. Although these results are not directly related
to 'street' youth, they underscore the need for efforts targeted
at younger injectors.
The authors provided several hypotheses to explain the observed
relationship between a young age and risky injection practices.
First, young users of injection drugs may be more open to exploring
different types of drugs and engaging in poly-drug use, whereas
older users may have settled with a particular drug. Second, preventive
messages may have had less impact because younger users have had
less exposure to such messages. Finally, IDU may be more of a
social behavior for young users, bringing with it increased opportunity
for needle-sharing. In contrast, injecting among older adults
may represent more of a solitary lifestyle activity (Belanger
et al., 1996).
An important study conducted in Australia specifically examined
the level of information regarding HCV transmission among young
injectors (Carruthers and Loxley, 1995). The sample included 234
12 to 20 year old users of injection drugs. Although the majority
(80%) had heard of HCV, only 50% considered the infection to be
a serious problem. Unfortunately, there is no information available
related to knowledge levels of HCV among young Canadians.
Very few studies have addressed the issues specific to women who
inject drugs. Notwithstanding the lack of information, women who
inject drugs are increasingly visible. For instance, women comprised
35% of the approximately 6000 registrants of a Vancouver needle
exchange. A similar proportion of women were represented in the
Vancouver Injection Drug Use Study (VIDUS) (Whynot, 1998).
A few studies have observed that girls start to inject at a younger
age than boys. For instance, among street-involved youth in Montreal,
the average age that girls started injecting was 16 years, compared
to 17.3 years for boys (Roy et al., 1996; 1998). In a study of
youth in British Columbia correctional facilities, more young
females (10.2%) than males (3.4%) reported IDU (Rothon et al.,
1997). Analyses revealed that females 16 to 19 years of age were
5.3 times more likely than males aged 16 to 19 to have engaged
in IDU. Females were also more likely than males to have had sex
with a user of injection drugs. Similar results were found in
a study conducted in New South Wales with youth in custody (Copeland
et al., 1998). Girls were more likely than boys to have injected
drugs and shared injecting equipment. In addition, lack of knowledge
regarding the transmission of HIV, HCV and HBV was more pronounced
among females, despite their higher rates of potential exposure
to these viruses.
For women, sexual or physical abuse is often a predisposing factor
in IDU and a barrier to reduction of risky behaviors (Gilbert
et al., 1997). To understand IDU among women, it is important
to consider their social networks (Barnard, 1993; Whynot, 1998).
Research has found that women are less likely than men to inject
illicit drugs alone and more likely to be influenced by others
to inject drugs (Whynot, 1998). Women are often less able to resist
pressure by their male partners to share needles or engage in
unsafe sexual practices. As Barnard (1993) notes, the dominant
male culture surrounding IDU inhibits a woman's ability to negotiate
safe practices, particularly if the women are young and without
social support.
Indigenous peoples have many social disadvantages that are
frequently associated with the use and misuse of drugs, including
poverty, low education, unstable family structure, physical abuse
and poor social support networks (Scott, 1997). The number of
Aboriginal people in Canada who inject drugs is not known. It
is reasonable to assume, however, that Aboriginal people are at
particular risk of HCV infection, in part because they are over-represented
in groups practicing high risk behaviors, such as prisoners, the
chronically unemployed and the homeless.
Shields (2000) examined high-risk behaviours and hepatitis C status
among 519 youth 15-24 years of age who identified their ethnic
origin as Aboriginal. Participants were recruited through drop-in
centers in seven major Canadian cities. Just under one-quarter
(21%) reported injecting drugs at least once in their lives. In
the WIDE study (Elliot and Blanchard, 1998), 1068 participants
from Winnipeg who had ever injected drugs were identified through
community clinics, needle exchange programs, treatment programs,
street contacts and public health nurses. A disproportionately
high number of those surveyed self-identified as Aboriginal (compared
to the proportion of Aboriginal people living in Winnipeg). Specifically,
64% of those who had ever injected drugs were Aboriginal.
Information from British Columbia on HIV/AIDS in Aboriginal communities
also underscores the issue of IDU in this population. A major
difference in Aboriginal AIDS cases versus non- Aboriginal cases
is the frequency with which IDU is cited as a risk factor. This
is particularly evident among Aboriginal women. Nationally, 50%
of Aboriginal women and 19% of Aboriginal men have IDU as their
primary risk factor for HIV infection. For non-Aboriginal women
and men, the rates of IDU are 7.4% and 3.2%, respectively. As
noted by the authors, IDU has not traditionally been a topic of
discussion in most Aboriginal communities. To begin to address
this new and emerging issue in these communities, "it will
take willingness, persistence and honesty to look at underlying
causes for the use of injection drugs" (B.C. Aboriginal HIV/AIDS
Task Force, 1999, p. 10).
Canadians incarcerated in prison have relatively
high rates of HCV and other blood-borne infections and IDU is the
predominant risk factor underlying their higher risk (Jürgens,
1996). A significant portion of the prison population consists of
people who currently inject drugs or did so in the past. The presence
of IDU and the sharing of needles in prisons increases the spread
of HCV among inmates as well as the community at large upon their
release.
Studies conducted in Canadian prisons have found HCV prevalence
rates between 28% and 40% (Canadian HIV/Legal Network, 1999). The
most recent study of federal prison inmates (Lior et al., 1998)
found 48% of inmates in the federal prison at Springhill, Nova Scotia
to be users of injection drugs, of which 52% were HCV positive.
Furthermore, 39% of users continued to inject drugs in prison and
the majority (82%) reported sharing needles when injecting drugs.
In another study, 39 long-term inmates (20 males and 19 females)
were randomly selected from two federal institutions and invited
to participate in a survey examining risk-taking behaviors (Calzavara
et al., 1997). The participation rate was 82%. Inside prison, 56%
used any drugs during the past 12 months, 28% injected drugs inside
prison in the past 10 years, and 5% injected drugs during the past
12 months of their current incarceration. Needle-sharing was more
prevalent inside prison than it was outside. Just under one-quarter
(21%) reported infection with hepatitis C.
Research in this area reinforces the need for appropriate services
to prevent HCV transmission within the prison walls as well as the
community at large. Drugs are readily available in most prisons
and those who inject drugs are at high-risk for infection because
of the lack of access to harm reduction resources (Marte and Gatell,
1999).
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